Some of you might still remember the struggle for an increase in minimum wages in the garment sector of Bangladesh in 2023. Back then the situation escalated. The para-military forces known as BGB (Border Guard Bangladesh) were deployed, factories burnt and at least five workers in the clashes. In the end the minimum wage was raised to 12,500 BDT (currently 90 EUR | 101 USD) as announced by the wage board. It was not enough for a life in dignity back than and it also also not enough three years later – after more than 30% inflation.
Therefore workers started to take to the streets again this month. Thousands rallied in the streets of Uttara, in Dhaka, on October 17th. The protest was attacked by riot police leaving at least 50 people injured.
For some garment workers, earning Tk 19,000 to Tk 20,000 a month means working 15 to 16 hours a day, including overtime, labour representatives told The Daily Star.
Even then, their earnings barely cover rent, food, childrenโs education and medicine. One representative said monthly rent for accommodation that cost Tk 2,500 a few years ago has risen to around Tk 7,500.
The Garment Workers’ Trade Union Center (GWTUC) released the following statement:
Workers of the world, unite! Garment Workers Trade Union Center Head Office: Mukti Bhaban (8th Floor), 2 Kamrul Muni Singh Road, Purana Paltan, Dhaka-1000. Contact: 01914805890, 01636021181, 01848988800
Press Release 16 October 2026
A meeting of the central executive committee of the Garment Workers Trade Union Center was held.**nn# The minimum wage in the garment industry must be declared at Tk 35,000.
At a meeting of the central executive committee of the Garment Workers Trade Union Center, held on Thursday, the organizationโs leaders stated that garment workers have long been deprived of their rightful wages. They said that the current minimum wage of Tk 12,500 is inadequate in light of the rising cost of living and the prices of essential goods. They called for an immediate movement to demand a minimum wage of Tk 35,000 through a systematic and organized process.nnThe meeting stated that the wages of garment workers are determined through a legally prescribed process involving negotiations between employers and workers. Therefore, it is necessary for workers to raise their wage demands accurately and in an organized manner. The Garment Workers Trade Union Center believes that, given current market conditions, the industryโs productivity, the value added to manufactured goods, and workersโ contributions, the minimum wage in the garment industry cannot reasonably be less than Tk 35,000.nnToday, Friday, 16 October 2026, a meeting of the central executive committee of the Garment Workers Trade Union Center was held at 10:00 a.m. at the organizationโs central office in Mukti Bhaban, Dhaka. The meeting was presided over by the organizationโs president, freedom fighter Mantu Ghosh and its general secretary Sadekur Rahman Shamim, conducted the proceedings. Among those who spoke were Vice President Joly Talukder, Ziaul Kabir Khokan, Deputy General Secretary Monzur Moin, Central Commitee Member Dulal Saha, Mohammad Shahjahan, Azizul Islam among others. At the meeting, the Garment Workers Trade Union Centerโs leaders called for the formation of a wage board for the garment industry and for the announcement and implementation of a new wage structure for garment workers as soon as possible. They also urged the government to play a responsible role in ensuring genuine worker representation on the wage board.
The leaders of the Garment Workers Trade Union Center stated that workers must be able to negotiate effectively with employers when determining wages. They noted that in the most recent wage-setting process in 2023, workers demanded a minimum wage of Tk 25,000, but the final amount was set at only Tk 12,500. Drawing on this experience, they emphasized that workers must strengthen their organizational capacity and unity to achieve their demands through meaningful and effective collective action.nnAddressing fellow workers, the leaders said that workers must organize themselves, build unity, and increase their ability to raise demands collectively. They stressed that the strength of workersโ organizations is essential to securing their rightful wages.nnThe leaders of the Garment Workers Trade Union Center appealed to the public, stating that even when workers work overtime, many still cannot meet their familiesโ basic needs. Considering the actual cost of living and the current economic situation, they called for an immediate campaign to increase garment workersโ minimum monthly wage. They urged all conscientious members of society to support this demand.nnThe meeting concluded that the campaign for higher wages must proceed through lawful, democratic, and organized means. The Garment Workers Trade Union Center called on all workersโ organizations to unite and work together in support of the movement.
In case a call for solidarity with the minimum wage movement is released, it will also be published here. So make sure to check out this page regularly or subscribe to the GMD mailing list.
The following report and call for solidarity was shared with the GMD mailing list by Uniรฃo Terra e Trabalho (UTT) on Amazon customer service workers in Cearรก, Brazil, who earn less than the national minimum wage.
MINIMUM WAGE FOR AMAZON CUSTOMER SERVICE WORKERS IN CEARร, BRAZIL
October 19, 2026
In Cearรก, in Brazil’s Northeast, more than 500 Amazon customer service workers earn about R$ 1,389 (US$ 279) a month, less than the country’s minimum wage of R$ 1,621 (US$ 326). In Sรฃo Paulo, people doing the same job earn twice as much, according to the workers. The case is local, but the method is global: Amazon organizes work on a world scale and pays according to where the worker lives.
Internationalist report from Uniรฃo Terra e Trabalho (UTT, Land and Labor Union) to revolutionary syndicalist organizations and grassroots unions around the world. Amounts in Brazilian reais (R$) and US dollars, at R$ 4.975 per US$ 1 (October 6, 2026).
Who we are
Uniรฃo Terra e Trabalho (UTT) is a Brazilian revolutionary syndicalist organization. It was founded on October 18, 2026, building on years of grassroots work in states across several regions of the country. We organize the working class where it works and where it lives.
We are writing to working-class organizations because Amazon is a global boss that uses the borders between countries, and between regions of a single country, to pay less. Our response has to cross those borders too.
there are more than 500 active workers in several cities across Cearรก, and hundreds more who have already left;
they work 36 hours a week and earn about R$ 1,389 a month;
in Sรฃo Paulo, the same job, with the same training and the same hours, pays about twice as much;
every month most of them find errors in their pay slips, and one worker went almost two months without the correct wage.
What Amazon itself publishes confirms the picture. A 2025 job posting for Cearรก offered R$ 1,280 when the minimum wage was R$ 1,518, that is, 84% of it, and required applicants to live in the state. Workers supply the room, the desk, the chair and the broadband connection.
The numbers
Workers fall R$ 232 (US$ 47) a month short of the minimum wage.
Paying the minimum would cost the company at least R$ 3,090 (US$ 622) per worker per year, including the 13th-month salary and vacation pay. For 500 workers, that is R$ 1.55 million (US$ 311,000).
Amazon organizes customer service as a single operation: same system, same training, same customers. What changes is the price it pays per hour, depending on where the worker lives. Within Brazil, Cearรก is the cheapest place. Between countries, the pattern repeats.
Hire where wages are lowest. The job requires living in Cearรก, even though the work is remote and serves the whole country.
Tie the wage to the place. Brazilian law applies to remote work the rules and collective agreements of the place where the worker is assigned (CLT, art. 75-B, ยง 7). The same job ends up being worth less in the Northeast.
Escape the sector. Amazon says it is a retailer, not a telemarketing company, and so escapes the collective agreements that guarantee more than the minimum wage for 36 hours.
Remote work could erase distance. The company does the opposite: it turns each worker’s home into a workstation and picks the cheapest labor without ever changing its address. It is the same logic that moves factories and call centers to wherever wages are lower. The answer is also the same: organize across the borders the boss uses to divide us.
Working less cannot mean earning less
Amazon relies on a guideline of Brazil’s Superior Labor Court (TST), OJ 358, which allows a proportional minimum wage for those who work fewer than 44 hours a week. But the 36 hours are not the company’s choice. They are the legal limit for call center work, set by a federal health and safety standard, NR-17, Annex II, which states: “without loss of pay”. The shorter working week exists to protect people who deal with the public all day, not to cut wages.
Brazil has just affirmed the same principle. On October 14, 2026, the Senate approved, by 75 votes to 1, the constitutional amendment that cuts the maximum working week from 44 to 40 hours with no reduction in pay (O Liberal). Amazon in Cearรก does the opposite: fewer hours, lower pay.
Demands
UTT supports the workers’ demands:
No wage below the national minimum: R$ 1,621 for the 36-hour call center working week.
Recognition of the job as call center work, with all the health protections of NR-17: 6-hour shifts, breaks and protection against abusive targets.
Same work, same pay: an end to the gap between Cearรก and Sรฃo Paulo.
Correct payroll, paid on time.
No retaliation against those who spoke out.
What we ask of working-class organizations
Take up this conflict as a cause of solidarity: public statements, letters and messages to Amazon in your countries.
Translate and share this report in the languages and channels of each organization. We also have a short video in Portuguese, with the worker’s voice, which we can send to anyone who wants to subtitle it. The reverse could also be interesting.
Bring the case to the international grassroots networks you take part in, such as Global May Day.
Send us information on wages and working hours in Amazon customer service in your countries, so that we can document together how the company exploits the differences between regions and countries.
Put us in touch with workers and grassroots unions in Amazon customer service and warehouses, to exchange organizing experience.
The Garment Workers’ Trade Union Center (GWTUC) informs about a gas explosion at a garment factory run by Pretty Composite Textiles Ltd last Sunday (September 20th). The factory is located in Ashulia, a small town just in front of the gates of Dhaka and is part of the Pretty Group – or as they describe themselves: “Bangladesh’s No.1 RMG Conglomerate”. (prettygroupbd.com). Their main customers include brands such as BESTSELLER, C&A, GAP, NEXT, uniqlo and ZARA selling their products in Europe, the Americas as well as the Asia-Pacific region.
Seven workers died – six inside the factory premises and one outside – and at least 25 were injured as a result of the explosion. (thedailystar.net) According to the Fire Service and Department of Explosives the gas transportation and use system was “completely illegal and unsafe”. UPDATE (Sept. 24th): The final number of casualties is still not confirmed. According to comrades on the ground several people are still missing. Latest media reports inform about 9 people killed and 35 injured due to the blast.
Confirming the matter, Ashulia Police Station Officer-in-Charge (OC) Mohammad Tarikul Islam told The Business Standard, “A case of culpable homicide has been filed over the cylinder explosion at the Pretty Group factory premises. Sub-Inspector Abu Taleb filed the case as the complainant, naming six responsible officials of Pretty Group and 10 to 12 unidentified people as accused.”
In reaction comrades of the GWTUC rallied in Dhaka spontaneously and released the below statement.
On the banner ist says:
Workers of the world, unite! This is not an accident, it is institutional murder of workers due to negligence. Ensure justice, fair compensation, and proper medical treatment for the incident at the Pretty Group factory premises in Jamgora, Ashulia, where at least 7 people lost their lives and many were injured due to the illegal and highly risky transportation of gas cylinders. Garment Workers’ Trade Union Center
Below a translation of the press release by GWTUC is published. The original in Bangla can be accessed here.
Workers of the World, Unite!
Garment Workers’ Trade Union Center Head Office: Mukti Bhaban (4th Floor), 2 Comrade Moni Singh Road, Purana Paltan, Dhaka-1000.
Press Release 21 September 2026
GWTUC protests explosion at Pretty Group’s garment factory in Ashulia
This Loss of Life is Not an Accident, It is Negligence-Driven Labor Homicide
Demand for Trial, Fair Compensation, and Proper Medical Treatment
Garment Workers’ Trade Union Center has expresses deep anger and protest over the death of 8 people so far and the injuries of many people in an explosion and fire caused by illegal and highly risky gas cylinder transportation on the premises of the Pretty Group factory in Jamgora, Ashulia. There is no scope to evade responsibility by calling this incident a mere “accident.” This loss of life has occurred due to failure to ensure safety at the workers’ workplace, and because no effective measures were taken to stop unsafe and illegal gas cylinder transportation and risky operations. This is a negligence-driven labor homicide, and those responsible must bear the liability.
Today at 5:00 PM, a protest rally was held by GWTUC in the Purana Paltan and National Press Club areas. Following the rally, a protest meeting was held under the chairmanship of Advocate Montu Ghosh, President of GWTUC, and conducted by General Secretary Sadekur Rahman Shamim. Central leaders including Vice President Joly Talukder, Central Leader Dulal Saha, and Azizul Islam spoke at the meeting.
At the rally, the GWTUC leadership stated that workers’ lives are more valuable than any institutional profit. It is repeatedly observed that factories and industrial sectors violate safety regulations, transport flammable and dangerous substances illegally, and workers have to pay with their lives for the negligence of the authorities. The authorities concerned must answer for what steps they took regarding safety, how such risky transportation was approved, and who is responsible for the lapse in safety. The owners, the concerned establishment, and the responsible state agencies cannot escape accountability for this gross negligence or irresponsibility. GWTUC demands the immediate formation of an independent and acceptable inquiry committee to uncover the true causes of the incident and identify those responsible. Workers will not accept any attempt to delay the investigation or protect the culprits. The investigation report must be made public, and exemplary punitive action must be taken against the responsible individuals, establishments, and concerned officials. At the same time, safety regulations must be strictly enforced, and regular inspections must be ensured regarding the transportation and use of all types of hazardous and flammable substances, including gas cylinders, in industrial sectors.
GWTUC demands fair and adequate compensation for each deceased worker’s family in accordance with the ILO Convention, long-term financial security due to the loss of earning members, and the rehabilitation of the affected families. Furthermore the highest quality of medical treatment for the injured must be ensured at government expense, and compensation must be provided for medical costs, loss of work capacity, and future livelihood damage. Under no circumstances can the burden of the workers’ treatment or compensation be shifted onto their families.
GWTUC emphasizes that workers’ safety is a right, not a charity. Due to the lack of safety in workplaces, catastrophic deaths of workers are allowed to happen one after another. For every loss of life, liability must be fixed, and trial and fair compensation must be ensured. The state and the owners cannot avoid their liability by not taking measures to protect workers’ lives and instead showing negligence after an incident by paying some compensation. In the future, to prevent such homicides, effective safety committees must be formed with the participation of workers, and safety regulations must be implemented.
GWTUC expresses deep condolences to the families of the deceased and solidarity with the injured, demanding immediate trial, fair compensation, and proper medical treatment. Any negligence, failure, or attempt to evade liability regarding workers’ lives would not be tolerated. The united movement of the workers will continue to ensure the trial of those responsible and the safety of workers.
Sender: Lutfar Rahman Akash, Office Secretary
ASHULIA (BANGLADESH): EXPLOSรO DE CILINDRO DE GรS EM FรBRICA DE CONFECรรES MATA 7 E FERE PELO MENOS 25 TRABALHADORE
O Centro Sindical dos Trabalhadores do Vestuรกrio (GWTUC) informa sobre uma explosรฃo de gรกs ocorrida em uma fรกbrica de confecรงรตes administrada pela Pretty Composite Textiles Ltd no รบltimo domingo (20 de setembro). A fรกbrica estรก localizada em Ashulia, uma pequena cidade situada logo em frente aos portรตes de Dhaka, e faz parte do Pretty Group, ou, como o prรณprio grupo se descreve: o โConglomerado de RMG nยบ 1 de Bangladeshโ. (prettygroupbd.com) Seus principais clientes incluem marcas como BESTSELLER, C&A, GAP, NEXT, Uniqlo e ZARA, que comercializam seus produtos na Europa, nas Amรฉricas e tambรฉm na regiรฃo รsia-Pacรญfico.
Sete trabalhadores morreram, seis dentro das instalaรงรตes da fรกbrica e um do lado de fora, e pelo menos 25 ficaram feridos em consequรชncia da explosรฃo. (thedailystar.net) De acordo com o Corpo de Bombeiros e o Departamento de Explosivos, o sistema de transporte e utilizaรงรฃo de gรกs era โcompletamente ilegal e inseguroโ. ATUALIZAรรO (24 de setembro): O nรบmero final de vรญtimas ainda nรฃo foi confirmado. De acordo com companheiros que estรฃo no local, vรกrias pessoas continuam desaparecidas. As รบltimas notรญcias da mรญdia informam que 9 pessoas morreram e 35 ficaram feridas devido ร explosรฃo.
Confirmando o ocorrido, o chefe da Delegacia de Polรญcia de Ashulia (OC), Mohammad Tarikul Islam, declarou ao The Business Standard: โFoi registrado um processo por homicรญdio culposo em razรฃo da explosรฃo do cilindro nas instalaรงรตes da fรกbrica do Pretty Group. O subinspetor Abu Taleb apresentou a denรบncia, nomeando seis funcionรกrios responsรกveis do Pretty Group e outras 10 a 12 pessoas nรฃo identificadas como acusados.โ
Em reaรงรฃo ao ocorrido, companheiros do GWTUC realizaram espontaneamente uma manifestaรงรฃo em Dhaka e divulgaram a declaraรงรฃo abaixo.
TEXTO DO CARTAZ:
Trabalhadores do mundo, uni-vos! Isto nรฃo รฉ um acidente, รฉ um homicรญdio institucional de trabalhadores provocado por negligรชncia. Exigimos justiรงa, indenizaรงรฃo justa e tratamento mรฉdico adequado pelo ocorrido nas instalaรงรตes da fรกbrica do Pretty Group, em Jamgora, Ashulia, onde pelo menos 7 pessoas perderam a vida e muitas ficaram feridas devido ao transporte ilegal e altamente arriscado de cilindros de gรกs. Centro Sindical dos Trabalhadores do Vestuรกrio
Abaixo, รฉ publicada a traduรงรฃo do comunicado de imprensa do GWTUC. O original, em bengali, pode ser acessado na publicaรงรฃo original.
TRABALHADORES DO MUNDO, UNI-VOS!
Sede do Centro Sindical dos Trabalhadores do Vestuรกrio (GWTUC): Mukti Bhaban (4ยบ andar), 2 Comrade Moni Singh Road, Purana Paltan, Dhaka-1000.
NOTA DE IMPRENSA 21 de setembro de 2026
GWTUC PROTESTA CONTRA EXPLOSรO EM FรBRICA DE CONFECรรES DO PRETTY GROUP, EM ASHULIA
Esta perda de vidas nรฃo รฉ um acidente, รฉ um homicรญdio laboral provocado por negligรชncia.
Exigimos julgamento, indenizaรงรฃo justa e tratamento mรฉdico adequado
O Centro Sindical dos Trabalhadores do Vestuรกrio (GWTUC) expressa profunda indignaรงรฃo e protesto diante da morte de 8 pessoas, atรฉ o momento, e dos ferimentos sofridos por muitas outras em uma explosรฃo e incรชndio causados pelo transporte ilegal e altamente arriscado de cilindros de gรกs nas instalaรงรตes da fรกbrica do Pretty Group, em Jamgora, Ashulia.
Nรฃo hรก qualquer possibilidade de fugir da responsabilidade classificando este episรณdio simplesmente como um โacidenteโ. Essas mortes ocorreram em razรฃo da ausรชncia de medidas adequadas para garantir a seguranรงa no local de trabalho e da falta de providรชncias efetivas para impedir o transporte inseguro e ilegal de cilindros de gรกs e outras operaรงรตes de risco. Trata-se de um homicรญdio laboral provocado por negligรชncia, e os responsรกveis devem responder por isso.
Hoje, ร s 17h, o GWTUC realizou um ato de protesto nas รกreas de Purana Paltan e do National Press Club. Apรณs a manifestaรงรฃo, foi realizada uma reuniรฃo de protesto, presidida pelo advogado Montu Ghosh, presidente do GWTUC, e conduzida pelo secretรกrio-geral Sadekur Rahman Shamim. Tambรฉm falaram na reuniรฃo lideranรงas centrais, entre elas a vice-presidente Joly Talukder, o dirigente central Dulal Saha e Azizul Islam. Durante a manifestaรงรฃo, a direรงรฃo do GWTUC afirmou que a vida dos trabalhadores vale mais do que qualquer lucro institucional.
Repetidamente, observa-se que fรกbricas e setores industriais violam normas de seguranรงa, transportam ilegalmente substรขncias inflamรกveis e perigosas, e os trabalhadores acabam pagando com suas vidas pela negligรชncia das autoridades.
As autoridades responsรกveis devem responder sobre quais medidas adotaram em relaรงรฃo ร seguranรงa, como esse transporte de alto risco foi autorizado e quem รฉ responsรกvel pelas falhas de seguranรงa. Os proprietรกrios, o estabelecimento envolvido e os รณrgรฃos estatais responsรกveis nรฃo podem escapar da responsabilizaรงรฃo por essa grave negligรชncia ou irresponsabilidade.
O GWTUC exige a formaรงรฃo imediata de uma comissรฃo de investigaรงรฃo independente e aceitรกvel, capaz de revelar as verdadeiras causas do ocorrido e identificar os responsรกveis.
Os trabalhadores nรฃo aceitarรฃo qualquer tentativa de atrasar a investigaรงรฃo ou proteger os culpados. O relatรณrio da investigaรงรฃo deve ser tornado pรบblico, e medidas punitivas exemplares devem ser adotadas contra as pessoas, estabelecimentos e autoridades responsรกveis.
Ao mesmo tempo, as normas de seguranรงa devem ser rigorosamente aplicadas, e inspeรงรตes regulares devem ser asseguradas quanto ao transporte e ร utilizaรงรฃo de todos os tipos de substรขncias perigosas e inflamรกveis, incluindo cilindros de gรกs, nos setores industriais.
O GWTUC exige indenizaรงรฃo justa e adequada para as famรญlias de cada trabalhador morto, de acordo com as convenรงรตes da OIT, bem como seguranรงa financeira de longo prazo diante da perda dos membros responsรกveis pela geraรงรฃo de renda e medidas de reabilitaรงรฃo para as famรญlias afetadas.
Alรฉm disso, deve ser assegurado, ร s custas do governo, o tratamento mรฉdico da mais alta qualidade para os trabalhadores feridos, bem como o pagamento das despesas mรฉdicas e de indenizaรงรตes relativas ร perda da capacidade laboral e aos danos futuros ร subsistรชncia.
Em nenhuma circunstรขncia o รดnus do tratamento ou da indenizaรงรฃo dos trabalhadores pode ser transferido para suas famรญlias.
O GWTUC enfatiza que a seguranรงa dos trabalhadores รฉ um direito, nรฃo uma caridade. Devido ร falta de seguranรงa nos locais de trabalho, mortes catastrรณficas de trabalhadores continuam acontecendo umas apรณs as outras.
Para cada vida perdida, deve haver responsabilizaรงรฃo, julgamento e indenizaรงรฃo justa. O Estado e os proprietรกrios nรฃo podem se eximir de sua responsabilidade por nรฃo adotarem medidas para proteger a vida dos trabalhadores e, depois de uma tragรฉdia, demonstrarem negligรชncia ao simplesmente oferecer alguma compensaรงรฃo.
No futuro, para impedir que tais homicรญdios voltem a acontecer, devem ser formados comitรชs de seguranรงa efetivos com a participaรงรฃo dos trabalhadores, e as normas de seguranรงa devem ser implementadas. O GWTUC expressa suas profundas condolรชncias ร s famรญlias das pessoas mortas e sua solidariedade aos trabalhadores feridos, exigindo julgamento imediato, indenizaรงรฃo justa e tratamento mรฉdico adequado. Qualquer negligรชncia, falha ou tentativa de fugir da responsabilidade em relaรงรฃo ร vida dos trabalhadores nรฃo serรก tolerada.
A luta unificada dos trabalhadores continuarรก para garantir a responsabilizaรงรฃo dos culpados e a seguranรงa dos trabalhadores.
Remetente: Lutfar Rahman Akash, Secretรกrio de Organizaรงรฃo
The Tea Workers’ Trade Union Center (TWTUC) shares this report:
Today is May 20th. On this very day in 1921, one of the most barbaric and brutal massacres in the history of the subcontinent took place at the Meghna Ghat in Chandpur. Falling victim to the cruelty of the British colonial rulers, thousands of innocent tea plantation workers lost their lives on that day.
Around the 19th century, the British rulers cleared the hilly terrains of Assam and Sylhet to establish the tea industry. To meet the labor shortage in these plantations, poor and indigenous people from regions like Bihar, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, and Madras in India were lured with the fictional promise of “Gaach hilayega, paisa milega” (shake the tree and money will fall). In reality, however, their lives became confined within the four walls of the tea gardens. They were given ‘tea tokens’ as nominal wages, which were entirely useless outside the plantations. Consequently, these workers were forced into a life of virtual slavery.
In 1921, after 70 long years of exploitation and torture, the daily wages of the workers were slashed to a mere 3 paisa under the pretext of a global recession. Faced with this ultimate humiliation and inspired by the passionate call of the ongoing Non-Cooperation Movement, around 30,000 tea workers simultaneously declared a rebellion. Their slogan was “Mulluk Chalo” (Let’s return to our homeland). Even though the British administration and plantation owners conspired to halt all train and steamer services, the workers set off on foot. Over the course of a long week, thousands of starving workersโincluding women, children, and the elderlyโcrossed hundreds of miles to reach the Meghna Ghat in Chandpur.
On May 19th, as the workers were boarding a ship, a sudden armed assault was launched upon them, and the ship’s gangplank was removed, causing many to drown in the river. Later, during the deep state of night on May 20th, while the exhausted workers lay asleep on the platforms of the Chandpur railway station, Gurkha soldiersโacting on the orders of the British administrationโcharged at them with unsheathed bayonets and firearms. In this indiscriminately executed genocide, the bodies of thousands of slain workers were dumped and floated away into the Meghna River. The rest were forcibly driven back into the slavery of the tea plantations.
Although there had been an indirect call from the major political parties of the time behind this movement, the only fierce protest against this atrocity was forged by the workers’ union of the ‘Assam Bengal Railway’. For the offense of staging a continuous two-and-a-half-month strike under the leadership of Deshapriya Jatindra Mohan Sengupta, nearly 5,000 railway employees were terminated from their jobs. Today, more than a century has passed. The history of the Meghna’s waters being stained with the blood of tea workers remains unwritten in our textbooks. We bear the legacy of the sacrifices made by these heroic workers who have been ignored by the pages of history. We shall fight the battle for our rights forever.
Program organized by the Tea Workers Trade Union Centre (เฆเฆพ-เฆถเงเฆฐเฆฎเฆฟเฆ เฆเงเฆฐเงเฆก เฆเฆเฆจเฆฟเงเฆจ เฆเงเฆจเงเฆฆเงเฆฐ):
1. List of Tea Gardens (by District)
The poster lists various tea gardens across three major districts in the Sylhet division:
Moulvibazar District (เฆฎเงเฆฒเฆญเงเฆฌเฆพเฆเฆพเฆฐ)
This year the labour union Sindikasi Yogyakarta (Indonesia) endorsed a call on the Global May Day platform for the first time. They joined the Yogyakarta May Day rally and shared the following report with the GMD mailing list:
Dear comrades, we from SINDIKASI Yogyakarta gladly sending our report that including our public statement and demands, actions report, and the documentation. The statement and demands can be accessed through the PDF file I attached here.
Quick report: SINDIKASI Yogyakarta becoming part of biggest labor demonstration in the City. We realize that this situation not really ideal since this big movement is coopted by the Labor Party and “yellow” unionists. But here is our only option. What we can do is intervention by creating space for marginalize workers such as women, queer, and youth workers in Yogyakarta to join the protest safely without any intimidation. We also doing the speech to spread the situation of creative sector’ workers and the marginalize workers to more wide audience. We printing more than hundred of our statement & demands text, cute and propaganda poster, etc. The protest was widely joined by more than 300 people and SINDIKASI is leading our 50-60 members and supporters during the protest.
We created a safe space, fun session, singing and dancing, speech and screaming out our demands, medical assistance, etc. We are proud to say that we succesfully intervened the protest and organized a safe space for marginalized workers in Yogyakarta May Day 2026. All documentation and photos can be seen through the a post in our Instagram with this link.
In rage and solidarity, SINDIKASI Yogyakarta
Text of the attached pdf. as shared with the email:
STATEMENT ON INTERNATIONAL WORKERSโ DAY 2026 YOGYAKARTA MEDIA AND CREATIVE INDUSTRY WORKERS UNION FOR DEMOCRACY (SINDIKASI YOGYAKARTA)
โFlexible Work, Increasingly Unlivable Lives: It Is Time for Yogyakartaโs Creative Workers to Organize!โ
International Workersโ Day 2026 arrives amid a deepening political and economic crisis. The collapse of the formal sector has accelerated the expansion of informal labor, especially among young people. In Yogyakarta, this pressure is felt most strongly within the media, arts, and creative industries, sectors often celebrated as the โeconomy of the future,โ yet in reality marked by precarity and exploitation.
Hundreds of thousands of creative workers labor without contracts, receive substandard wages, endure unlimited working hours, and lack social protection. The โflexibilityโ promised as freedom has instead become a mechanism for employers to evade responsibility. Power relations have grown increasingly unequal, while labor violations have become normalized.
The state has not only failed to provide decent work, but has also submitted itself to the interests of capital and the regime of labor flexibility. New and exploitative forms of work such as freelance, project-based, and gig economy labor have emerged without adequate legal protection. As a result, many workers are trapped in conditions of precarity, working without recognition, without certainty, and without guarantees of a dignified life.
Informalization has now become the norm. Workers are forced to bear all occupational risks, from production tools to healthcare coverage without compensation. Wage standards remain unclear, while demands for professionalism continue to rise. Under these conditions, work no longer guarantees survival.
In Yogyakarta, this situation is even more ironic. A city branded as โspecialโ has instead become a place where workers survive on low wages while the cost of living continues to rise. Yogyakarta cannot truly be called special as long as its workers are unable to live decently.
This crisis is also connected to rising unemployment, waves of layoffs, and shrinking access to work. Vulnerable groups, including women, freelance workers, artists, queer workers, persons with disabilities, street workers, and those over the age of 30 face layered barriers and are pushed into informal sectors rife with risk and discrimination.
Amid this situation, state policies remain incapable of responding to reality. Wage standards do not cover freelance workers, social security systems remain exclusionary, and the creative sector has yet to be properly recognized within labor systems. Even platform-based labor practices such as online ride-hailing services demonstrate weak oversight, with platform deductions frequently exceeding established limits.
May Day must not stop at symbolic ceremony. It must become a momentum to strengthen organizing efforts and cross-sector solidarity.
Therefore, SINDIKASI Yogyakarta puts forward the following demands:
Decent wages and price control โ Wage increases based on decent living needs (KHL) standards relevant across generations, accompanied by inflation control and affordable basic necessities.
Recognition of creative and freelance workers within labor systems โ Including wage standards, employment contracts, working hours, social security (BPJS), and holiday allowances (THR).
The creation of a new inclusive labor law โ One that protects all workers without exception, abolishes exploitative practices such as outsourcing, and suppresses mass layoffs.
Universal social protection for all workers โ Including healthcare access, pension guarantees, social assistance, decent housing, and labor protection.
The use of public assets for workersโ welfare โ Including the utilization of Sultan Ground, Pakualaman Ground, and other state/regional assets as decent and affordable housing for the working class.
Protection from discrimination โ For women workers, queer and gender-diverse workers, persons with disabilities, and the abolition of discriminatory age limits in employment.
Improved conditions for platform and gig workers โ Including transparency and limitations on platform fee deductions.
Recognition and protection for journalists, media workers, and CSO workers โ Including guarantees of workplace safety, legal protection, adequate facilities, and decent labor standards.
Protection for informal and street workers โ Including trans women and other vulnerable groups from violence and criminalization.
Worker-oriented economic policies โ Including progressive taxation on conglomerates to fund welfare programs for the working class.
Expanded parental leave rights โ Including three months of leave before childbirth and six months after childbirth for working-class parents, as well as safe, affordable, and adequate childcare facilities.
An end to the exploitation of Indonesian migrant workers (PMI) โ Including guarantees for the safety of workers trapped in conflict zones, and the promotion of an active Indonesian diplomacy against war, imperialism, and colonialism, including colonialism within our own land.
May Day is not merely a symbolic occasion. It is a space to build collective power. In the face of an increasingly fragmented world of work, only through organizing and solidarity can workers reclaim control over their labor and their lives.
Long Live the Workers! Long Live Creative Workers! Long Live Solidarity!
The following statement was released by the Federation of General Workers Myanmar (FGWM) to commemorate May Day this year.
Statement on the 140th International Workers’ Day
1 May 2026
On this 140th International Workers’ Day, the Federation of General Workers Myanmar (FGWM) pledges to strive toward achieving democracy in our country and the formation of workers-led labor unions in the workplaces.
More than 130 years ago, workersโ fight for the right to “8 hours of work, 8 hours of rest, and 8 hours of leisureโ still remains a struggle for factory workers in Myanmar today. Under various forms of oppression from employers and the state, workers must labor for more than 12 hours a day just to survive. Furthermore, current daily wages are insufficient to cover the costs of living due to skyrocketing commodity prices.
Myanmarโs industrial zones, which remain under military rule, have become primary sites for systemic exploitation and oppression. Employers systematically enforce forced labor, utilize child labor, and crush attempts to organize workplace labor unions. In addition, they divide the workforce through various means, exploiting legal loopholes to form employer-led labor organizations (yellow unions) as a tool for suppression.
The arrest, killing, and targeted discrimination against Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) workers and labor leaders who resisted the military dictatorship continue. Following the enactment of the conscription law in 2024, adult male and female workers have been forced to abandon their workplaces and flee abroad to work in hazardous environments without protection or guarantees. There, they face oppression from host governments and employers, while the military council in Myanmar pressures their families, threatens them, and forcibly collects taxes on their overseas wages. We believe that liberation from these multifaceted forms of oppression is only possible by overthrowing the (military) dictatorship once and for all. The FGWM honors the 140th International Workers’ Day by pledging to strive for labor solidarityโlocally and internationallyโand for the attainment of democracy in our country.
Oppressed people, unite! Rise if oppressed, fight if suppressed! Workers of the world, unite!
Demands for the 140th International Workers’ Day
The Federation of General Workers Myanmar (FGWM) hereby demands:
Demands to factory and workshop owners profiting from the labor of workers:
1. To provide a living minimum wage of 20,000 MMK for an 8-hour workday (excluding overtime).
2. To ensure adequate healthcare and implement safety measures within the workplace.
3. To immediately stop forced labor (forced overtime without consent), direct instruction by foreigners, physical abuse, and sexual harassment against women in the workplace.
4. To provide free sanitary pads for female workers in the workplace and to waive production quotas for workers during pregnancy and menstruation.
5. To immediately stop the luring of women with financial incentives for (marriage) to China and all forms of human trafficking.
6. To stop forming “Yellow Unions” that do not represent workers, to stop forcing unions to register with the military puppetโs Ministry of Labor, to stop the disclosure of workers’ personal data to the military council, and to halt the surveillance of labor union activities through CCTV.
Demands to International Brands, who accumulates the most profit from the exploitation of labor at your supplier factories:
7. To take effective responsibility and accountability for workplace violations committed by owners of direct or subcontracted factories manufacturing your purchase orders.
8. To collaborate with employers of your supplier factories to ensure workers receive a living minimum wage of 20,000 MMK for an 8-hour workday (excluding overtime) and to not turn a blind eye to factories violating labor and human rights. We demand you to take accountability through practical action to fulfill these demands.
Demands to International Labor Rights, Human Rights Organizations, and Political Forces:
9. To put effective pressure on the military dictator to stop the forced registration, portaging and conscription of industrial zone workers and the returning migrant workers. Additionally, we demand the immediate and unconditional release of all unjustly detained labor leaders.
10. To support the local and migrant workers for their rights to form independent, worker-led unions and workplace safety in accordance with respective labor laws.
11. To support civil servants who joined the CDM and to assist in strengthening the public service unions.
A focal point of Global May Day 2026 is the struggle of tea plantation workers in Bangladesh and their ten point charter. The Tea Workers’ Trade Union Center (TWTUC) supports the call to action and Monisha of TWTUC prepared this message, which can be used to inform about the struggle at May Day rallies worldwide.
You can listen to the audio below and also check out the transcription. A version with a German translation is currently in the making and will be published here by Tuesday (April 28th).
A version with a translation in German was produced by Toni Spark (FAU Hamburg):
DOWNLOAD: English | Deutsch (download mp3 with “right click” and “save as”)
Transcript:
Revolutionary greetings from the tea gardens of Bangladesh to our comrades around the world. We stand with you this May Day.
The pattern of exploitation is the same everywhere in the world. But so is our spirit of resistance. The Tea Workers’ Trade Union Center is currently mobilizing for a ten point charter of rights. We are demanding a minimum daily wage of 600 Taka and an end to the manipulation of weight measurements. We demand the legal ownership of the land our ancestors cultivated for generations and the official recognition of our divers ethnic identities and languages. Our struggle is for basic humanity. We are fighting for functional health care in every garden, for clean drinking water and for the rights of our women workers; including paid maternity leave and an end to violence. We refuse to be treated as relics of the colonial past. We are the backbone of this industry and we demand our share. As you march throughout the world today, remember the tea workers in Bangladesh. Our revolution is bound together. Together let us build a world, free of exploitation.
The following call was shared with the Global May Day mailing list today. Since the matter keeps developing, the following information might still be updated continuously in the next few weeks.
Dear comrades,
The Popular Organization Terra Liberta (Brazil) is reaching out to request your solidarity with the families of Vila Gomes, a working-class community in Fortaleza, Brazil, currently facing severe impacts linked to a project led by Fraport.
Fraport, a German multinational headquartered in Frankfurt, is developing a billion-dollar logistics complex near the Pinto Martins International Airport. The project has already resulted in the clearing of large areas of native forest.
The consequences are now being felt directly by the community.
After heavy rains, sections of the airport wall collapsed and floodwaters invaded Vila Gomes, destroying homes, furniture, and basic belongings. Families lost what they built over years of work. In the last days, the situation worsened. Families spent the entire night under flooding, and another part of the wall collapsed, affecting even more homes. Dozens of families are now dealing with displacement, material losses, and serious health risks. Residents have begun to resist. They organized a protest in front of the construction site and blocked the BR-116 highway, demanding immediate action and accountability.
Fraport operates in multiple countries, including Germany (Frankfurt), Brazil (Fortaleza and Porto Alegre), Peru (Lima), Turkey (Antalya), Bulgaria (Varna and Burgas), Slovenia (Ljubljana), India (Delhi), and the United States. We believe this international presence makes global solidarity essential.
We ask your organization to support this struggle through:
A public statement in solidarity with Vila Gomes families!
Actions or demonstrations in front of Fraport offices, airports, or related infrastructure!
Direct pressure initiatives, such as protests, pickets, or work stoppages where possible!
Sharing information through your networks and media channels!
For public communications, please use the hashtag #sosvilagomes and tag: @terraliberta.ce (instagram) | @terraliberta (X/twitter)
Our demands are:
Immediate suspension of construction works in the affected area!
Full support and compensation for all affected families!
Independent investigation into environmental and structural damages!
Protection and recovery of the remaining forest area!
The families of Vila Gomes are organized and resisting. International solidarity can help amplify their voices and increase pressure on those responsible.
We remain available for further information and coordination.
In solidarity, Popular Organization Terra Liberta Fortaleza – Cearรก – Brazil
Since the following answers provided by Anarchist Front inside their open telegram channel at the beginning of April could be of interest to comrades worldwide, they are being re-published here.
AGAINST ALL STATES, AGAINST THEIR WAR!
Answers to the questions from Maciej A. an anarchist comrade in Poland.
Is the anarchist movement in Iran niche and fragmented, mostly concentrated in university cities? And how active is the diaspora? The anarchist movement in Iran is young. It is only in recent years that anarchism within the geography of Iran has developed into an actual movement in the full sense of the word. It is also only in the past few years that some anarchist books have been officially translated into Persian and received permission for publication inside Iran. That said, the movement is more geographically widespread than outsiders might expect. According to surveys we conducted on Twitter and Telegram, anarchists are present in all 31 provinces of Iran, from very small towns to very large cities, across the entire geography of the country. The movement is everywhere, even if it is not always visible. Due to the conditions of severe repression in the country, the anarchist movement has operated in an increasingly decentralised manner. This decentralisation is not a weakness, it is a survival strategy. We are the only anarchist organisation with approximately 17 years of continuous organised activity. We began on August 15, 2009, outside Iran under the name “Voice of Anarchism.” From 2011 to 2014 we reorganised under the name “Anarchist Network.” From 2013 we operated the Asranarshism website. After comrades from Afghanistan joined us in 2015 we merged all activities into the Asranarshism collective. In 2018 together with two other anarchist organisations, one in Iran and one in Afghanistan, we founded the Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran. In 2020 this became part of the Federation of Anarchism Era. In mid-April 2025 the Federation was effectively dissolved, we preserved its pages as an archive, partly as a record of our history and partly to prevent anyone from using the name while the pages remained inactive. Since April 30, 2025 we have been operating under the name Anarchist Front, with a focus on the geographies of Iran, Afghanistan, and the surrounding region. We have no desire to expand our organisational strength in a conventional institutional sense. Our focus is on the quality and depth of our organising, not on growth. On the diaspora: our situation is the opposite of most other Iranian opposition forces, whose main base is outside the country. In our case, our roots and primary presence are inside Iran. Outside Iran, the number of anarchists is still not large.
The Federation of Anarchism Era and Zanan-e 8 March โ competing groups or branches of the same ideological tree? As explained above, the Federation of Anarchism Era no longer exists, it was dissolved in April 2025 with the largest number of collaborators from the dissolved Federation now self-organized within the Anarchist Front. The Anarchist Front has a coalition structure composed of various anarchist tendencies. We work with all anarchist currents except those that combine anarchism with pacifism, nationalism, religion, or capitalism. Our collaboration with Afghan anarchists began in 2015. Three groups (one from Afghanistan) founded the Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran in 2018. Afghan comrades have been part of the Anarchist Front from its very beginning. There are also comrades from several other geographies who are members of the Anarchist Front. Regarding Zanan-e 8 March: they are not anarchists. They are Maoists, connected to the Communist Party of Iran (M.L.M). We share an opposition to the Islamic Republic and some common ground on women’s rights, but they represent a fundamentally different political tradition: one organised around party structure, vanguardism, and Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology. We do not consider them competitors but we are not the same ideological tree.
Where is the situation worse โ Iran or Afghanistan? And is Afghanistan forgotten? Both situations are catastrophic but the forms of catastrophe are different and must be named precisely. In Iran today, people face at least three simultaneous major challenges: extreme poverty, widespread repression, and a devastating war. The intensity of the war in Iran is severe. Over 1,500 documented civilians have been killed, including more than 200 children. The global internet has been cut since February 28th. People are under bombs, under bullets, and under economic collapse simultaneously. In Afghanistan, people face at minimum five simultaneous challenges: extreme poverty; the mass expulsion of Afghan refugees from both Iran and Pakistan; repression; a limited but ongoing conflict with Pakistan; and the comprehensive exclusion of girls and women from education, work, and public life under the Taliban. In Afghanistan we do not yet have an anarchist movement in any meaningful sense, inside and outside the country there are only a small number of anarchist individuals. The situation of Afghanistan changed completely from the beginning of the Ukraine war. International attention shifted entirely. Afghanistan entered a state of being “forgotten”, abandoned by the same Western powers that created the conditions for the Taliban’s return, no longer strategically useful as a news story, invisible in the global media landscape despite the ongoing catastrophe of 40 million people living under one of the most totalitarian gender apartheid systems in modern history. We refuse that invisibility. Both situations demand solidarity. Neither can be ranked above the other in human terms. But the forgetting of Afghanistan is itself a political act, and we name it.
How did the anarchist movement respond to the DecemberโJanuary uprising? Did our comrades participate? Naturally, when people are in the streets protesting, anarchists are there too. When tens of thousands of people are arrested, anarchists are inevitably among the detained. Our comrades were present, organised, documented, and some were arrested. However, after the massacre of tens of thousands of people, concentrated primarily on January 8th and 9th, 2026, anarchists and many other political activists have made a decision not to participate in street protests. Not because the struggle is over, but because the current form of street protest does not bring down this government. The regime has demonstrated it is prepared to massacre tens of thousands more. It has announced explicitly that anyone who participates in street protests will be treated as an enemy and met with bullets. The question we face is not whether to resist, it is how to resist effectively without simply providing the regime with more bodies to kill. That question does not have an easy answer. But it is the honest one.
What if most Iranians actually want the return of the Shah? Let us be precise about what actually happened. People entered street protests from December 28, 2025, on their own initiative, without any call from opposition groups outside the country. For eleven days, people were in the streets without any call from any foreign-based opposition. It was the Kurdish organisations that on January 8, 2026, called for a general strike. After that, Reza Pahlavi called for participation in protests on January 8 and 9. His call, coming eleven days after people had already been in the streets independently, provided the context for the massacre of tens of thousands of people on those two days. The timing is not incidental. The monarchists attempted to ride a wave that had been entirely self-organized and independent for eleven days before they intervened. According to various polls, supporters of monarchy in Iran are approximately 17 percent of the population. That is not a negligible number, they have unified leadership and organizational advantages. But 17 percent is not a majority and it is not representative of the Iranian people. Since the protests began on January 7th, various coalitions and congresses have formed that are extremely diverse and varied. In contrast, gatherings associated with Pahlavi include only his supporters. Pahlavi represents monarchists. He does not represent the Iranian people.
Were the protests unpatriotic* given the threat of attack? Were they provoked by sanctions? The Islamic Republic came to power in 1979. Nearly one month later, the mass protests of women against compulsory hijab began (March 8, International Womenโs Day). In that same year, the Kurdish people’s movement was crushed by military force. In the 1980s and 1988, thousands were executed in prisons. In the 1990s we saw urban protests in dozens of cities, all suppressed. Then the student movement of 1999. Then 2009 and the Green Movement. Then 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2022, and 2025. In forty-seven years, people have been in the streets again and again: for freedom, against repression, against electoral fraud, against price increases, against the water crisis caused deliberately by the IRGC’s dam-building mafia that diverted river courses to serve water-intensive civilian and missile industries, and against the killing of Mahsa Jina Amini. The Islamic Republic has looted the wealth of the Iranian people. Dozens of officials have left the country with billions of dollars. The rest invested in proxy groups across the region, in dozens of underground missile cities, in nuclear energy. They destroyed Iran’s environment. They left the population in poverty. The January 2026 protests began because the dollar had multiplied catastrophically in price in a short period, making all goods unaffordable. People went to the streets because of the unbearable pressure of daily life, poverty, price increases, and the absence of freedom. They had gone beyond the theocratic government ruling Iran. People went to the streets themselves, without any call from any opposition or any foreign government for eleven days. After that, the monarchist wave-riding began, and Israel and America attempted to capitalise on protests that had been entirely popular and independent from eleven days earlier. To call this unpatriotic is to erase forty-seven years of independent Iranian resistance and reduce it to a foreign project. We reject that erasure completely.
On the contested death toll from the January protests Tens of thousands of people were killed. No one can provide an exact figure, and that impossibility is itself a product of deliberate state policy. What happened is clear: unarmed people in the streets were shot with heavy machine guns, snipers, and thousands of armed security personnel with military weapons. Anyone in the street was killed, including people who were not at the protests but simply in the streets for their daily lives. Our position is: cite verified minimums, acknowledge that real figures are significantly higher, and refuse both the regime’s minimisation and inflated figures that cannot be verified. The truth, however partial, is more powerful than a convenient number, even one that seems to serve our cause. What is not in dispute is that the scale was catastrophic and deliberate.
On the “war of liberation” framing There is no such thing as a war of liberation conducted by states. War means the destruction of human beings, the environment, and civilisation. But throughout the past century of history, repressive, totalitarian, and fascist governments have been defeated as a result of foreign war, because states do not only fight their own people; states also fight each other, for their own state interests, ideological interests, or security interests. This war is not our war. It is a war of states. The US and Israel are pursuing their own strategic interests: the elimination of Iran’s missile capabilities, its naval capacity, its nuclear program, and its capacity to challenge American and Israeli dominance in the region. None of these objectives include the freedom of the Iranian people. The bombs prove it: over 1,500 civilian dead, hundreds of children, schools destroyed, medical centres hit. We oppose the Islamic Republic and we oppose this war. Both positions are consistent with the same principle: we stand with people, not with states.
How do we coordinate under the internet blackout? Under conditions of complete internet blackout, combined with widespread repression, mass arrests, bombs destroying the geography of Iran, unemployment, and soaring prices, there is naturally very little that can be done. In such conditions no one can monitor the situation of political prisoners. Communication between popular resistance groups breaks down. People in areas about to be struck often remain uninformed and cannot warn each other or provide mutual aid. Communication between Iranians outside the country and their families inside is cut, millions of Iranians abroad have no information about their loved ones inside. We cannot provide security information to people inside the country to help them minimise harm during the war. The combination of war, blackout, repression, and economic collapse has created conditions of multiple simultaneous crises that overwhelm any organised response. We do what we can. We document. We communicate when connectivity allows. We maintain our presence. But we will not pretend that these conditions do not severely limit what is possible.
On Soheil Arabi’s disappearance Many former political prisoners have been arrested without any reason during the current period. Soheil Arabi, anarcho-syndicalist and atheist, has disappeared. Due to the internet blackout we do not know in which prison, in which solitary cell, and under what torture he currently finds himself, unless he has been transferred to a general ward. Afshin Heyratian, from a Baha’i family, but an atheist, former political prisoner, and anarchist, was arrested before the protests began and remains in prison. He has not been permitted to post bail even temporarily. We say their names. We hold their situation. Under current conditions of blackout and war, we cannot verify details. That uncertainty is itself a form of torture, for them and for those who care about them.
Others we ask you to remember During the 2022 Woman-Life-Freedom (Jin Jiyan Azadi/ Zan Zendegi Azadi) uprising, more than 100,000 people were arrested and judicial files were opened for 90,000 of them. During the 2025-2026 protests, at least 50,000 people were arrested, including hundreds of children, most of whom are still imprisoned or at risk of execution. The number of people currently at risk of execution is very large. And every day dozens more are being arrested. The list of names is too long to complete. Every name is a life. Every life matters. We ask international comrades to keep the pressure on: document, demand, amplify. Do not let the blackout become a wall of forgetting.
On minorities โ separatism, autonomy, Rojava model, or something else? We, as anarchists, oppose any form of state and support stateless ethnic societies and advocate for popular self-determination and self-organisation. The Rojava model can be very instructive and offers a good alternative to state-centrism: horizontal, federated, multi-ethnic, with real power in the hands of communities. But the peoples living in Iran, with their languages, cultures, and specific demands, are the ones who will make their own decisions. It is not our place to decide for them or to prescribe solutions. We respect their decisions. What we do know is this: the diverse society of Iran cannot achieve its demands under a centralised, centralising, fascist state that insists on a single language, individual despotism, and the negation of diverse human identities. Such governments cannot serve the needs of a genuinely plural society. We believe in freedom. We do not prescribe solutions for anyone. We support their decisions, even as we continue to oppose every form of state and work toward the elimination of states, borders, and authoritarianism.
On Ukraine and the Russian invasion Russian imperialism is pursuing the restoration of its lost empire, it is engaged in conquest, in the occupation and seizure of territory, having initiated a devastating war. Since we are fundamentally opposed to wars between states and imperialist wars (wars that destroy the lives of people, the environment, and the lives of children) we condemn this war as we condemn the war of the US, Israel, and Iran. Our position is consistent: we oppose all state wars without exception. The destruction of human life and the natural world is not justified by any state’s flag or ideology.
The moral dilemma: if US ground troops attacked, should Iranian anarchists defend their country or remain neutral? The war between Iran, Israel, and America is not our people’s war. State wars have fundamentally nothing to do with the people. States fight each other and eventually make peace, and in the meantime only the lives of human beings, animals, children, and the environment are destroyed. We do not fight for states. We do not fight alongside the Islamic Republic under any circumstances. A regime that has spent forty-seven years killing our comrades is not our ally because a foreign power attacks it. What we defend is our communities, our people, our lives, not the state, not its flag, not its military interests. The distinction matters. And in conditions where ground occupation would mean a foreign power controlling the lives of ordinary Iranians, we would defend our communities through whatever horizontal, popular means are available, not as soldiers of any state, but as people defending people.
What should Western comrades always remember when thinking about Iran? We anarchists have always stood beside the peoples of the world. We oppose all governments of the world without exception. The life and existence of people in no geography is worth more than the life and existence of people in any other geography. We make no distinctions between states. We are against the wars of states without exception. But remember this above all: the people of Iran are under American and Israeli bombs. They are under the bullets of the Islamic Republic’s heavy machine guns. They are in the prisons of the Islamic Republic. And simultaneously they suffer from poverty, hunger, unemployment, and a complete internet blackout that has created enormous additional difficulties for everyone. They are carrying all of these burdens at the same time. Not one. All of them. Simultaneously. That is what solidarity means to hold in mind: not a simplified story about liberation or regime change, but the full weight of what ordinary people in Iran are living through right now.